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Introduction
Azerbaijan means the “Land of Fire” in Modern Persian. The etymology of Azerbaijan derives from the Persian word “azar” meaning “fire.” The Persians gave it this name in reference to the Zoroastrian fire temples that were fuelled and lit by the plentiful supply of oil found beneath and on the surface of its Caspian Sea coast. Geographically Azerbaijan lies at the heart of Eurasia, in the Caucasus, a mountainous region where magic and folklore live and breath. The Caucasus region is where Europe and Asia collide and for this reason Azerbaijan has always been recognized as a geopolitical strategical position (Salazar, 2017).
Historically, Azerbaijani lands were the space of intensive interaction among Persian, Turkic, Russian, Caucasian, and other cultures and civilizations. Linguistically affiliated with Turkey, most Azerbaijanis belong to the Shiite confession, like most Iranians do. Due to two centuries within the Russian Empire and the Soviet Union, most residents of Baku are still Russophone. Russian civilization, just like the Persian culture before it, made deep inroads in Azerbaijani everyday culture and the history and present of the Republic of Azerbaijan are interconnected with past developments in Azerbaijani lands. This notion seems to be more suitable for the analysis of Azerbaijan’s past and present (Gasimov, 2017).
According to Huseynov (2010) the development of Azerbaijani national identity presents a particularly colorful example. While not distinctly spelled out as such in the historical records prior to the end of the 19th century, and despite being occasionally disputed by coercive neighbors, an authentically Azerbaijani identity with most of its contemporary trappings was already in forming by the 11th century. It was this distinct identity further developed over centuries and compounded by unique ethno-linguistic, cultural and religious characteristics that led to the establishment of the independent Azerbaijan Democratic Republic in 1918. This way, as pointed out by Suny et al. (2022), in the course of its long history, Azerbaijan has given the world a number of outstanding thinkers, poets, and scientists. Among the medieval scientists and philosophers, Abul Hasan Bakhmanyar (11th century), the author of numerous works on mathematics and philosophy, and Abul Hasan Shirvani (11th-12th centuries), the author of Astronomy, may be noted. The poet and philosopher Nẹzāmī, called Ganjavī after his place of birth, Ganja, was the author of Khamseh (“The Quintuplet”), composed of five romantic poems, including “The Treasure of Mysteries,” “Khosrow and Shīrīn,” and “Leyli and Mejnūn”.
Analyzing Azerbaijani history is complicated since in the last two centuries, the people were forced to live divided into two parts, North and South. It was subjected to the occupation and management system of the heavy colonialism, despotic and authoritarian regimes of Russia and Iran. Even from the 20s of the 18th century (after Peter I came to power), Tsar Ruayas planned to implement a policy of occupation in a very wide area. Peter I saw the Turkic Gajar state of Azerbaijan, whose borders extended to warm waters, as an important place in front of him. Therefore, Russia's occupation of the Caucasus, especially Azerbaijan, become the number one target for Russia in its strategy of access to warm waters. This is how the national tragedy of Azerbaijan, which continued for two hundred years.
For this reason, since re-establishment of Azerbaijan's independence for the second time, as in many other fields, has opened the re-study of national historiography, especially the opening of distorted hidden points (Suleymanli, 2021). Considerable research has been conducted on some areas of the history of the country, and academic publications covering different periods have been published. When we look at the direction of studying Azerbaijani history from ancient times, it becomes clear that we are faced with the lack of written sources or the purposeful distortion of existing facts. Entangling the ethnic history of the people with conflicting trends has led to approaches with subjective considerations has been around for a long time, and unfortunately, this direction still attracts attention in some periods. Thus, in Azerbaijani historiography, there are misconceptions tangled and conflicting concepts contrary to our national historiography, and a lot of work has continuously done in the direction of disclosing the objective real picture on the basis of facts. Then, the main goal of this paper is to comment on the presentation of the history of the division and fragmentation of the Azerbaijani people in the 19th-20th centuries on the basis of separate ideological directions.
Development
In the 18th century, although Russia invaded some territories of Azerbaijan (especially the Caspian regions), they could not fully consolidate their territory. Already at the beginning of the 19th century, the occupying state, which increased its military and economic power, established independent khanates and jurisdictions that were not subordinate to the central government in the north and south of Azerbaijan. The disappearance of the centralized power and the inability of small independent states to unite as a result was one of the main reasons that led to the division, and occupation of Azerbaijani territories.
In 1801, Gazakh and Shamshaddil sultanates were occupied. Despite serious resistance in 1803, the occupation of the Jar-Balakane community and the Ganja Khanate in 1804 paved the way for the occupation of Azerbaijani lands one after the other. In the spring of 1803, the first Russo-Azerbaijani war, which lasted for ten years, began. As we mentioned, the lack of a unified central authority and the pro-Russian stance of some judges resulted in the beginning of the "Gulistan" treaty on October 12th, 1813. According to this abominable agreement, which was the beginning of the disintegration of Azerbaijan, all Azerbaijani lands located north of Araz, including Dagestan (except for the Khanates of Nakhchivan and Iravan) came under Russian rule: What steps were taken in the south of Azerbaijan to conclude such an unacceptable agreement? At a time when none of the Azerbaijani khans had the tendency to unite in their territories or became fragmented, Agha Muhammad Khan Qajar, an influential representative of the Qajar tribe, an Azerbaijani Turk, was about to create a unified state in the territory of South Azerbaijan. After the death of Karim Khan Zand, Agha Muhammad Khan Qajar, who turned to Shiraz, came to Astrabad. Here he strengthened himself and after a long and bloody struggle he was able to subjugate Yazd, Kerman and Shiraz.
The occupation of Georgia and a part of Northern Azerbaijan by Russia caused the concern of Qajar and Turkey, and England and France, who were behind them. Then, there was a serious resistance movement against the Russian occupation in the North of Azerbaijan. We are mainly trying to draw attention to the ideological points, to reveal the uncompromising position, strength, and struggle of the people against the invaders at that time. We also want to respond to wrong conceptual approaches, ideas, and research with facts. Unfortunately, in our historiography, wrong trends have taken a place in a prominent form for a long time. Even today, we still meet those who, knowingly or unknowingly, adhere to those ideological directions and approaches, and those who quote them.
Unable to reconcile with the occupation of the northern part of Azerbaijan, the Turkish Gajar state started military operations against Russia on July 16th, 1826. The Second Russo-Azerbaijani war, which lasted up three years, ended on February 10, 1828 with the conclusion of the "Turkmenchay" treaty. According to the terms of this infamous treaty, the Nakhchivan and Iravan khanates of Azerbaijan also came under Russian rule. Thus, the territory of United Azerbaijan was divided and fragmented, and the national tragedies of the people began precisely after this unjust "historical" decision. With this, a single nation with the same historical roots was divided into two parts (Taghiyeva, 1985, p. 6).
In the historiography of the Soviet era, this policy of occupation is hidden and veiled. The population of both the north and the south of Azerbaijan has never voluntarily agreed with the occupation and colonization and despotic management system. Against the occupation, we can show thousands of facts about the existence of serious resistance.
It is shown in the literature of the period (Soviet period) that the fate of the population of Northern Azerbaijan, which was subject to Russia, met with the fate of other people living in the territory of that empire. Supposedly, a cultural revival took place in the life of the country and the people. On the other hand, the subsequent historical development of the population of South Azerbaijan, which remained under the rule of the Gajars (shown as a monarchy), unfolded in a completely different way. The fate of the population of South Azerbaijan was the same as the fate of other people living in Iran (Taghiyeva, 1985, p. 7).
The 13-year period of heavy war (1804-1813; 1826-1828) created a deprivation, and severe socio-economic situation for the people of Azerbaijan. The resistance movement that took place in these years, which were very difficult for the people, is noteworthy. For a long time, there was a struggle to eliminate feudalism. There is a struggle for the subjugation of the northern part of Azerbaijan to the centralized Turko-Qajar state: on the other hand, heroic resistance was fought against the invading Russian empire under the leadership of Abbas Mirza, the Qajar prince and Crown Prince of Tabriz. In the unequal struggle against the Russian occupation, the people of Car-Balakane, the people of Ganja and Iravan, etc. are a glorious page of our history. I would like to mention one important fact that in the work "Gulustani-Iram", which is considered one of the first in Azerbaijani history-literature, mixed and contradictory ideas are noticeable. Especially related to the struggle of Ganja Khanate. (see Bakikhanov (2001, p. 210)). The killing of the leader of the invading Russian troops, General Sisianov, at the gates of Baku and his beheading sent to Tabriz - Crown Prince Abbas Mirza, clearly shows that the people did not submit to the fact of occupation. However, Russia's heavy occupation policy and merciless exploitation changed the subsequent course of events in their favor. According to the infamous Turkmenchay treaty, the population was allowed to move freely from the territory of South Azerbaijan to the South Caucasus and vice versa. As a result, many Armenian families were transferred to the South Caucasus, Karabakh and Iravan khanates (Ismayilov, 2000, p. 49).
After extensive research on these transfers, their purpose, essence and results it is important to note that Russian tsarism was interested in this transfer. It was to create a military-political base for itself and to use this tool for its benefit. At that time, Russian Ambassador to Iran A. S. Gribayedov, who was one of the leaders of the project at the head of this migration, wrote: "We discussed a lot about the indoctrination to the Muslims in order to reconcile them with the current difficulties, which will not be long-term, and remove from them the fear that the Armenians will forever occupy the lands they moved to in the first place. In this sense, it was discussed with the khan who was with me" (Bakikhanov, 2001, p. 62).
The historical injustice was the result of the separate electoral policy, in which useful lands were given to settled Armenians by Tsarist Russia. This led to considerable dissatisfaction of the population of Oboregen Azerbaijan. To further justify our opinion, there is no need for any scientific debate about the fact that Armenians are not rooted inhabitants of the Caucasus geography, and that they did not have statehood in these territories until the beginning of the 20th century. At the end of the 20th century, they began to raise baseless territorial claims against Azerbaijan with the instigation of their patrons (those who moved them to these areas). At the beginning of the century, as well as at the end of the century, this historical tool was used as a tool of ethnic Armenians in the interests of the South Caucasian powers. They committed genocide, deportation, and terrorism in Azerbaijani territories in different historical periods. The central powers, unable to digest the newly formed independence of Azerbaijan, were stirring up the conflict inside our state. Armenian vandals took advantage of the power vacuum and invaded Azerbaijani territories. The local population became internally displaced persons and refugees. Peaceful, innocent, bare-handed people were forced to leave their homeland. More than one million of the population has been forced to live in this status for almost 30 years. Unfortunately, the world was silent about this injustice. These resulted in the destruction our homelands, historical monuments, material culture, people's property, state institutions, in a word, everything visible to the eye.
The people and the state of Azerbaijan put their rightful position in the middle of the negotiations at all levels for the last 30 years. Except for some decisions and statements, international organizations and individual states have not taken any serious steps to end this conflict peacefully. The President of the Republic of Azerbaijan, the Commander-in-Chief of our Armed Forces, Mr. Ilham Aliyev, in the direction of the settlement of the Azerbaijan-Armenia Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, has always been open to discussions in accordance with all international legal norms, conventions, fair approaches of international institutions, and Azerbaijan's rightful position, and has always acted as a supporter of peace. He always put his position in the middle but Azerbaijan has also run out of patience.
The strategic line led and planned by the Ilham Aliyev in all directions showed its results in the April battles of 2016, the Nakhchivan operations of 2018, the Tovuz events of 2020 and finally the second Karabakh war. Azerbaijan freed its occupied lands for 44 days and restored its territorial integrity. However, there is still a policy of double standards against our country. It is not our immediate goal to explore this issue in a scientific article but, in order to clarify the main reasons for many years of erroneous conceptions, ideological direction, and such historical comparisons against our history, we have to draw parallels. Moreover, historical periods are sometimes repeated, and they attract attention against the background of similar events.
In 1832, 91% of the population of Karabakh were Azerbaijanis, and 8.4% were Armenians. According to the materials of the camera images of the year, out of 20,546 families in the territory of Karabakh province, 13,965 were Azerbaijanis, and 6,491 were Armenians. Thus, as a result of the resettlement policy of the tsarism in the early 1930s, the percentage of Azerbaijanis decreased to 64.8, and the percentage of Armenians increase accordingly (Ismayilov, 2000, p. 49). In 1828, Azerbaijani Turks in the city of Irevan numbered 1,807 families, 7,331 people; Armenians - 567 families, increased from 2379 people to 4132 people (Asadov, 1995, p. 8). Monuments, fortresses, sanctuaries in the western part of Azerbaijan in Black Church (Sisyan), Gafan, Ulukhanli, Gamreli, Zangibasar, Daraleyaz, Goycha district, Agbaba and other areas, the architecture of the Khan's Palace, the Blue Mosque, seven more mosques in Yerevan, etc. all these are relics belonging to the historical past of Azerbaijani Turks (Griboyedov, 1989, p. 46). According to the number of Muslim Turks living in the Caucasus, the Iravan governorate ranked third after the Baku and Ganja governorates. Although Azerbaijani Turks do not live in this area now, they are deep-rooted residents of this land. Many statistical data shown in many sources, including the Caucasian calendar, prove that in the current territory called Armenia, Azerbaijani Turks have been much more numerous than Armenians throughout history (Kazimov, 2007).
The history of Azerbaijan in the 19th and 20th centuries is a very turbulent and contradictory stage for our people, but it is also full of struggles for independence. Studies that approach historical processes are written based on different points of view and ideological orientations. For example, the events of the bourgeois historians are mostly dictated by the palace, Soviet historiography in the direction of ideological Marxism-Leninism of the time, and other directions in Persian historiography which draws our attention. After the restoration of Azerbaijan's independence, research in the national-ideological direction began.
Bourgeois historian V. Potto wrote: "More than the Iranians themselves, the British mourned the misfortune of Abbas Mirza, and were enslaved by Azerbaijan. Because the acquisition of Azerbaijan from Iran meant the complete destruction of the power and influence of the British”. The British government attached great importance to the important military-strategic position of South Azerbaijan. Of course, this policy of theirs and their strategic interests in these areas, together with other reasons, played an important role in dividing the people of Azerbaijan into two parts. The historical development of South Azerbaijan from this period went in different ways, being the bitter result of the historical fate of a nation, when South Azerbaijan fell under the rule of the Shah invasion and Northern Azerbaijan tsarist colonialism.
Faced with the serious resistance of the Azerbaijani people, the Russian Empire carried out the military occupation and formalized the political-administrative division, and resorted to various disgusting ways to destroy the resistance movement of the people. The main direction was aimed at destabilizing the people, and for this, they tried to divide Azerbaijan mentally and spiritually by widely applying the divide-and-rule policy. One of those methods was an attempt to artificially distinguish the north of Azerbaijan from the south, to call the population and its language in the north by another name. Griboyedov, the "author" of the resettlement case with a staunch chauvinist, pro-Armenian position, the ambassador of Russia in Iran, wrote in one of his reports sent to Petersburg: "This nation is one and they all consider themselves Turks. We should either occupy Azerbaijan as a whole, or we should divide it and separate them from each other by giving the name "Oghuz" or "Tatar" to those living north of Araz". In another report, he suggested that it would be more appropriate to call them Azerbaijanis according to the name of the country. The idea of replacing the name "Turk" with the name "Azerbaijani" of the people appeared from the time of the conclusion of the Treaty of Turkmenchay.
In fact, we should investigate the main ideological and political trends of the 19th century period of our history correctly, historical realities not in the context of contradictory purposeful and scientific considerations of individual states, but with systematic research, analysis, historical realities and parallelism and comparative analysis methodology. For this reason, many points are understood when studying the interests of the great powers in the South Caucasus. After the end of the second war (1826-1828) between the Turko-Qajar state and Russia, relations between Russia and Turkey worsened. Tsarist Russia tried to bring the Caspian and Black seas under its full control. In fact, after the Treaty of Turkmenchay, the Caspian Sea almost became Russia's internal sea. The tsarist government saw that the war with Turkey was inevitable and was clearly preparing.
One of the most important issues of the foreign policy of Nicholas I (1825-1855), who had just come to power in Russia, was aimed at solving the "Eastern question" by starting a war with Turkey. Our immediate goal is not to investigate this direction, but we want to draw attention once again to the scale and geography of the tsarism's heavy-colonial policy and how devastating it is for the history and destiny of our people in the later stages. Because the consequences of this heavy colonial policy have not been fully eliminated even today. This continues in another form in the context of common South Caucasus interests.
In the discussed Russian-Turkish war, England and France tried to protect their Near Eastern interests by helping Turkey. However, this military-political assistance did not have such a result. Turkey was defeated in this war. Ottoman Turkey was forced to sign a peace treaty in Edirne on September 2nd, 1829 (Ibrahimbeyli, 1969, p. 230). The terms of the agreement were, of course, difficult for Turkey. The Peace of Edirne determined the occupation of Northern Azerbaijan and the entire South Caucasus by Russia. It strengthened Russia's positions in the Middle East and the Balkans. Conditions were created for the expansion of trade in the Black Sea.
Thus, the fall of the Northern lands of Azerbaijan and the Southern lands of Russia under the Shah's regime is an open field to be deeply investigated. That is, what the Qajar dynasty wanted to do in full, the attitude of the feudal landlords of the time to the people, etc. fell under the dictatorship of the Shah regime, and as we mentioned above, had its heavy consequences in our history. The disappearance of our statehood, the persecution of our moral values and national identity, etc. led to as a result of the current wars, the historical injustice of forcibly dividing the Azerbaijani people into two parts occurred. As a result of this historical injustice, a single nation was divided and each of them was forced to follow a different path of social economic, political and cultural development. The economy of Azerbaijan took the character of a colonial economy. This meant that he had to produce raw materials only for the Russian industry, and his industry had to serve it. History does not consist of dry quotations in vain, every study wants a broader perspective than boring numbers. Socio-economic relations, the climate of the time, and people's imaginations played no small role here (Oder, 2005, p. 15).
In 1906, at the meeting of the 1st State Duma, Ismayil Khan Ziyadkhanov, a member of parliament elected from Ganja, made a sharp speech about the bitter consequences of the occupation of Azerbaijan by Tsarist Russia: "The lands of Transcaucasia were occupied by the Russians a hundred years ago. During these hundred years, we Muslims have always been treated as captives and have been subjected to every kind of persecution and have been reduced to the status of slaves without any rights and privileges. In the literal sense of the word, we have lived under the harsh and negative corrections of an all-seeing government for a hundred years. Whatever area of the political, social and economic sphere is taken up, you will see that injustice prevails about us in each of them. As soon as our country was invaded, our national existence was immediately attacked”.
In the 20th century, Soviet Russia, the successor of Tsarist Russia, implemented the same policy of discrimination, exploitation, and looting. In the South of Azerbaijan in 1925, with the transfer of power from the Turkish Qajar dynasty to the Persian Pahlavi dynasty, the denial of our history and the connection of our roots to the fictitious Iranian-speaking Azeri ethnos began to be applied. The so-called "Azeri" name appeared on purpose.
No matter how cruelly and cunningly applied the "separate" policy of the occupying, exploitative (Persian and Russian) empires aimed at denying and dividing our national existence and national integrity, it could not break the spirit of integrity of Azerbaijani Turks. History has proven that the spirit of unity of Azerbaijan is indivisible! since this spirit of national integrity lives in the identity of the language, the integrity of the literature, the unity of the history and culture, the unity of faith and spirituality, the uniqueness of Azerbaijani national identity consciousness, commonality of our heroes and our troubles.
After the division of a whole nation into two parts, our national resistance movement against this exploitation has also strengthened. This resistance has manifested itself in different historical periods in one form or another. The long-running fugitive movement, peasant uprisings, etc. The Sattarkhan movement in the south of Azerbaijan, the creation of the "Azadistan" State by Sh.M. Khiyabani, the declaration of the National Government by S.P. Ishavari, and the creation of a Democratic state in the North of Azerbaijan under the leadership of M. A. Rasulzade should be approached from this point of view.
It is no coincidence that the Azerbaijani Turks in Iran have been deprived of their ordinary rights for a long time in their historical ethnic territories, subjected to severe exploitation, despotic rule, and especially discriminatory policies. The North of Azerbaijan was able to recover its independence after coming out of the Soviet occupation regime for nearly 70 years: in the south of our homeland, about 40 million Azerbaijanis who have the moral and political right to regain their national independence are now openly protesting the tyrannical management system of the Persian Mullah regime. I would like to mention that the regime of the Persian Mullahs was also angered by other ethnic groups in the region.
The President of the independent Republic of Azerbaijan openly stated that he will protect the violated rights and other rights of our compatriots living there, taking a very bold position. Undoubtedly, the basis of the national solidarity of Azerbaijanis, both in terms of scale and quality, is the relationship between the North and the South of Azerbaijan. This is a very complex ethno-social and ethno-political event. As we have shown above, in the South of Azerbaijan in their historical-ethnic lands (they call it Iran-Azerbaijan) national solidarity of Azerbaijanis is based on the relationship between the North and the South of Azerbaijan, both in terms of scale and quality.
The Iranian regime, which is such a severe despotic and totalitarian structure, does not give them any right to express their national thoughts through schools in their mother tongue. However, a handful of Armenians are recognized with all kinds of rights. As we know, the determination to fight and the love of freedom have always been high in the south of Azerbaijan, and today it continues in its highest form. There is also a problem of organization of Azerbaijanis living in the territories of Iran in South Azerbaijan, where it is said that the absence of a national (and democratic!) state did not allow the ethno-social unity of the people to defend itself at the political-ideological level (Jafarov, 2005, p. 233).
Conclusions
As an independent state, Azerbaijan follows all international norms and principles and does not interfere in the internal affairs of any state, but trying to make tens of millions of people forget their national identity and ethnicity does not correspond to any international principles. The development of relations between the north and the south of Azerbaijan is important and necessary, given that, as analyzed in the work, they share a deeply rooted common past and identity. However, due to various ethnocultural, political factors, etc. the Azerbaijanis of the world can see each other as brothers in different geographies. Thus, the Azerbaijani identity does not consist only of North and South Azerbaijan, but also that maintained by compatriots living in limited regions (Turkey, Georgia, Dagestan, Iraq).
The idea of the national history of the people of Azerbaijan was to establish a unique independent state in the historical ethnic geography where it has been inhabited for centuries, and to develop it through ownership of its cultural heritage as an equal member of the world community. We must not forget the main factors that determine the political-ideological unity of the Azerbaijani people, among which the interest and protection of statehood and interest in its citizens stand out. The ethno-cultural and socio-political development of the Azerbaijani people is not only internal (historical) energy, but also with the universal energy of the modern world requires evolutionary logic.
